Writing on the German-Italian summit taking place in Rome on Jan. 23, Handelsblatt revealed that Italian Prime Minister Giorgia “Meloni is becoming increasingly important to Merz” and that “According to sources in Berlin, Merz intends to consult closely with [the] Italian Prime Minister.” “Meloni is thus increasingly taking the place of French President Emmanuel Macron as Merz’s closest partner at the EU level,” the German business daily wrote.
There has, indeed, been a convergence between Rome and Berlin on the not insignificant issue of combustion engines. The automotive sectors of both countries are deeply integrated, and the Rome-Berlin axis has been key in achieving a delay in the “decarbonization” schedule. (Too little too late, one could say.)
European People’s Party head Manfred Weber (CDU) praised the new axis: “Italy and Germany are guarantors of European unity. With stable governments and strong leadership, they are pushing forward European solutions.” And Merz formalized it in his speech in Davos: “Together with the Italian Prime Minister, we have formulated new ideas to modernize the European budget and curb bureaucracy: a series of proposals that we would like to see implemented.”
However, insisting that Rome has replaced Paris in the historical alliance with Berlin is an exaggeration. If that were true, it would be a major political earthquake. On strategic issues, such as the Mercosur trade agreement, members of the Italian government coalition have voted against the treaty, which is backed by Berlin. For the moment, the two governments have drafted a joint paper on “competitiveness” which they have sent to the EU Commission, with proposals to be discussed at the Feb. 12 meeting. “Competitiveness” and “bureaucracy” are code words that include, among other things, Green Deal constraints, which industrial sectors of both countries have called to be dropped.
